![BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityWorldAfricaAsiaAustraliaEuropeLatin AmericaMiddle EastUS & CanadaChibok girls feel let down 10 years after Nigeria kidnappingPublished5 minutes agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingRelated TopicsNigeria schoolgirl kidnappingsImage source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Amina Ali became the first Chibok girl to escape prolonged captivity in 2016By Yemisi AdegokeBBC News, northern NigeriaWe had to meet Lisu in secret as she says the local Nigerian authorities are trying to prevent her from talking to journalists.She was one of the 276 girls abducted from their school in the town of Chibok exactly a decade ago – a kidnapping that shocked the world and sparked a global campaign to #BringBackOurGirls, which included former US First Lady Michelle Obama.More than 180 have either since escaped or been freed, including Lisu, who gave birth to two children while she was a hostage of the militant Islamist group Boko Haram, living in a hideout in the Sambisa forest.After escaping, Lisu – which is not her real name – went through the government rehabilitation programme, before being placed in group accommodation with other escapees. “I do regret coming back,” she says, shuffling in her seat. Not exactly the message the authorities want coming out. The Borno state government has denied limiting the former captives’ freedom of speech.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Lisu is “deeply unhappy” about the way she has been treated in the government accommodationLisu feels the way she is now treated is worse than what she lived through before.”Sometimes I cry when I remember. I ask myself: ‘Why did I even leave Sambisa to come back to Nigeria, only to come and face such degrading treatment, being insulted almost daily?’ I never experienced such heartache while I was in Sambisa.”Lisu says she is barely surviving under state care; basic provisions like food and soap are not enough, her movements are closely watched and restricted by security guards and she has been subjected to verbal abuse from staff at the group home.”They yell at us all the time, I am deeply unhappy,” she says. “I had more freedom at the Boko Haram camp than I do here.”This is a characterisation that the Borno state government said it did not recognise. In a statement to the BBC, it said there were no restrictions on the movements of the young women in its care except when there were issues of their personal safety. The authorities said they were also providing enough food and nutrition for the former captives and their children. Though the experiences of those who fled or were freed are varied, and they are all at different stages of rehabilitation, a theme that promises made to them over the years had been broken emerged from those we spoke to.In 2016, Amina Ali became the first of the Chibok captives to escape since the immediate aftermath of the kidnapping.She too is dissatisfied with her treatment. The last time she saw the sprawling school campus that now stands in front of her, it was on fire – that was the night of 14 April, 2014.”Wow, this school still exists,” she says softly, gazing at the newly renovated, cream-coloured buildings. “After all that happened to us, it’s still here.””We used to sit under that tree,” she continues, pointing at a towering, barren tree in the corner of the compound. She looks around, noting all the changes.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Amina has ambitions to be a journalist and help tell the story of the Chibok girlsThe grass is overgrown, the tiles on the walkways are new. The rust-coloured main gate has been moved and the dormitories do not exist any more. When the grounds were rebuilt, it reopened as a day school in 2021.While the cosmetic changes to the school are significant, outside the gates little has changed in Chibok. Insecurity is still rife. Boko Haram gunmen continue to attack the area, the latest assault late last year.The poorly maintained roads are dotted with checkpoints and there is a heavy military presence in the town. Mobile communication is patchy, a telecom mast lies on its side next to the road, probably felled by militants, a local colleague says.Then there are the emotional scars.Amina spent two years as a hostage in Sambisa. Like many of the captives, she was forced to “marry” a militant and convert to Islam. There was a routine to life in the forest; cooking, cleaning, learning the Quran, but Amina never gave up hope that one day she would escape.”I just thought even if I spend 10 years [as a hostage], one day I will escape,” she says.And one day she did.It took weeks of trekking through thick bush in sweltering temperatures, little food and with her two-month-old baby strapped to her back, but she made it.Parents of Chibok girls heartbroken – againThe secret diaries of the Chibok girlsThe town that lost its girlsBut more than 90 girls are still missing. Her friend Helen Nglada is one of them. Amina and Helen were classmates. They were both singers in the church band that Helen led. After the kidnap, the two grew close in Sambisa forest, spending as much time as they could together. The last conversation Amina had with Helen was about Chibok and how much they wished they could go back there. Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, For Helen’s mother, Saratu, meeting Amina brings back painful memoriesThe agony caused by Helen’s continued absence is etched on the faces of her parents, Saratu and Ibrahim, who are sitting outside their modest home, a short distance from the school.Her mother tightly grips two photographs of Helen and her sister. The girls are wearing matching outfits, headscarves and serious expressions.”I just wish I got my friend back,” Amina says, “so we can share the happiness with her.”Saratu struggles to contain her emotions. “Any time you come to the house and I see you, my mind goes back to my daughter,” she says to Amina.She breaks down into floods of tears and Amina places a hand on her shoulder to comfort her.”I just want our [state] governor to do something and rescue our children,” Ibrahim says quietly. “He should put in more effort to rescue the other children.”Amina’s escape in 2016 was accompanied by huge fanfare and relief.After being debriefed by the military, she met government officials including then President Muhammadu Buhari, who said the course of her life would change for the better.”[The president said] he’s going to take care of us and send us to school and even our children too,” Amina recalls. “Because it’s not our fault to find ourselves in that situation and the children too, they don’t know anything. They’re innocent. So he’s going to take care of them.”Image source, AFPImage caption, When she escaped from Boko Haram in 2016, Amina (L) and her baby met then President Muhammadu BuhariLife today does not look like what was promised.Amina now lives in Yola, about five hours away from Chibok by road, and shares a small room with her daughter. They share an outdoor bathroom with a neighbour and she cooks on firewood outside.Money is tight. She receives 20,000 naira ($15; £12) a month to cover everyday expenses but nothing for her daughter’s education, despite the government’s promises. She pays that bill herself with the little money she makes from farming.”It’s hard for me to look after my daughter,” she says. “What can I do? I have to do it because I don’t have anyone.”Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Amina struggles with the money she has to bring up her daughter who was born in a Boko Haram campAmina is balancing raising her daughter while studying at the American University of Nigeria (AUN), a private and elite institution.AUN is the only option Amina and the other Chibok girls were given to resume their studies, but many of them have struggled to keep up and some have dropped out. “We didn’t choose AUN because we know the school standards are difficult for us, we girls come from poor backgrounds,” she says. “The former minister forced us to come to this school.” The girls said they would have liked more autonomy in choosing where they could study and wonder if some of the government’s money spent covering the AUN’s high fees could have been better spent directly supporting them. Amina has attended AUN since 2017, but is not close to graduating. Only one of the former captives has graduated.Nigeria’s Women’s Affairs Minister Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye says the government has been paying AUN roughly $350,000 a year for the Chibok girls and their education over the last six years. It is an arrangement she says will be reviewed.”I’m not paying nobody that kind of money. Even if they put it on the budget, I will not release the money,” she says. “The girls should be considered first and foremost. School is important, first and foremost. But you don’t go to school on an empty stomach.”Rakiya Gali is another Chibok girl – she escaped from Boko Haram in 2017. She was a student at AUN briefly, but dropped out due to poor health.Rakiya says she does not receive any financial support and like Amina pays for her son’s education with the money she makes from farming, despite promises from the government.”The government has been unfair to us,” she says in an impassioned voice. “They knew that we went into [Sambisa forest] and came back with children. If they cannot help us, then who will help us?”In addition to the financial burden, Rakiya lives in fear, as her town is still being attacked by Boko Haram. She says militants recently burned down her son’s school.”Whenever I hear any sound, I think it is a gunshot,” she says.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, The school still exists – though it no longer takes boardersRakiya desperately wants to move forward with her life and secure the best possible education for her son, but the lack of support makes things feel impossible. So much so, she believes the Chibok girls who remain hostages would stay with Boko Haram if they could see how she and those who escaped are living outside the camp.”When [the girls] return [they] will come join us in this situation,” she says. “I would say it is better to stay [in Sambisa forest] with the child and the father will provide support, rather than going through this trouble.”The conditions she describes are a far cry from those of one of their former captors.Muhammad Alli, a former Boko Haram fighter who was involved in the Chibok kidnapping, is now living in Maiduguri with his family – including eight children. He was part of the militant group for 13 years and rose to the rank of commander, even forcefully “marrying” one of the Chibok girls.”At the time I married them, I did not feel any guilt,” he says. “But when I decided to surrender, I started to realise how awful they must have felt being forced to do these things.”Like thousands of other fighters, Muhammad was granted amnesty and completed the state government rehabilitation programme. He has a farm, but also works with the military to help rescue abducted girls.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Muhammad Alli is now helping the authorities tackle other hostage situationsLast year he was part of a group that rescued some of the same people he had helped kidnap. “They were in a terrible state when we found them,” he says. “I cried at the sight of them.”The amnesty programme is not without controversy, with some saying that former militants like Mohammad should serve jail time and be held accountable for their numerous crimes. “All I can say in that regard is to ask for forgiveness,” Mohammed counters. “I am remorseful, I am looking for ways to quench the fire we started, and I do this with the men whom I surrendered with. We are doing our best to weaken the effects of insurgency.”But the insurgency rages on, and kidnapping for ransom has become even more widespread in Nigeria. While reporting this story there were three separate kidnappings in north-eastern Nigeria, one of these attacks was on a school and was the largest of its kind since 2021.Mohammad says that the “success” of the Chibok kidnappings has encouraged these types of attacks.”We realised that the event shook the entire nation and Africa as a whole,” he says. “And the core mission of Boko Haram for [group leader] Abubakar Shekau was to ensure our activities attracted attention. “He also got money off some of these actions, which helped pay for transport and food, and that’s why they continued the abductions.”Serious questions remain around Nigeria’s military and its ability to tackle the insurgency that has spanned more than a decade and left hundreds of thousands of people dead, particularly as insecurity spreads to other parts of the country.Gen Christopher Gwabin Musa, Nigeria’s defence chief, has acknowledged the “enormous” challenges facing the military, calling the current state of insecurity in the country a “rude shock”, but is confident the tide is turning.As for the 91 Chibok girls still being held captive, Gen Musa says the military has not given up hope that they will be rescued.Despite her satisfaction with her current situation, Amina is hopeful too. She hopes to become a journalist one day, to be a voice for victims of kidnapping, to be a leader. She also hopes her daughter will finish her education and have a bright, safe future.Most of all, she hopes her classmates will one day be freed.”The only thing I need the government to do is to release some of my sisters that are still in captivity. I have that hope,” she says. “Because when they are still alive [there’s hope] they will come back one day.” You can watch Yemisi’s full report on the BBC Africa YouTube channelFind out more about the Chibok girls:PODCAST: What happened to the Chibok girls?Why was this freed Chibok girl treated differently? The kidnapped woman who defied Boko HaramThe man who brought back the Chibok girlsRelated TopicsNigeriaBoko HaramNigeria schoolgirl kidnappingsAround the BBCFocus on Africa podcastAfrica Daily podcastTop StoriesLive. Israel shoots down missiles and drones as Iran launches unprecedented attackIsrael says its defences in action as Iran attacksPublished1 hour agoSydney knife attacker identified by policePublished59 minutes agoFeaturesThe trafficked war babies looking for their long-lost familiesWorld watches nervously to see what Iran does nextUkraine could face defeat in 2024. Here’s how that might lookDifficult hunt for 12 impartial jurors to sit on historic Trump trialListen: The Liz Truss Memoir. 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BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityWorldAfricaAsiaAustraliaEuropeLatin AmericaMiddle EastUS & CanadaChibok girls feel let down 10 years after Nigeria kidnappingPublished5 minutes agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingRelated TopicsNigeria schoolgirl kidnappingsImage source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Amina Ali became the first Chibok girl to escape prolonged captivity in 2016By Yemisi AdegokeBBC News, northern NigeriaWe had to meet Lisu in secret as she says the local Nigerian authorities are trying to prevent her from talking to journalists.She was one of the 276 girls abducted from their school in the town of Chibok exactly a decade ago – a kidnapping that shocked the world and sparked a global campaign to #BringBackOurGirls, which included former US First Lady Michelle Obama.More than 180 have either since escaped or been freed, including Lisu, who gave birth to two children while she was a hostage of the militant Islamist group Boko Haram, living in a hideout in the Sambisa forest.After escaping, Lisu – which is not her real name – went through the government rehabilitation programme, before being placed in group accommodation with other escapees. “I do regret coming back,” she says, shuffling in her seat. Not exactly the message the authorities want coming out. The Borno state government has denied limiting the former captives’ freedom of speech.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Lisu is “deeply unhappy” about the way she has been treated in the government accommodationLisu feels the way she is now treated is worse than what she lived through before.”Sometimes I cry when I remember. I ask myself: ‘Why did I even leave Sambisa to come back to Nigeria, only to come and face such degrading treatment, being insulted almost daily?’ I never experienced such heartache while I was in Sambisa.”Lisu says she is barely surviving under state care; basic provisions like food and soap are not enough, her movements are closely watched and restricted by security guards and she has been subjected to verbal abuse from staff at the group home.”They yell at us all the time, I am deeply unhappy,” she says. “I had more freedom at the Boko Haram camp than I do here.”This is a characterisation that the Borno state government said it did not recognise. In a statement to the BBC, it said there were no restrictions on the movements of the young women in its care except when there were issues of their personal safety. The authorities said they were also providing enough food and nutrition for the former captives and their children. Though the experiences of those who fled or were freed are varied, and they are all at different stages of rehabilitation, a theme that promises made to them over the years had been broken emerged from those we spoke to.In 2016, Amina Ali became the first of the Chibok captives to escape since the immediate aftermath of the kidnapping.She too is dissatisfied with her treatment. The last time she saw the sprawling school campus that now stands in front of her, it was on fire – that was the night of 14 April, 2014.”Wow, this school still exists,” she says softly, gazing at the newly renovated, cream-coloured buildings. “After all that happened to us, it’s still here.””We used to sit under that tree,” she continues, pointing at a towering, barren tree in the corner of the compound. She looks around, noting all the changes.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Amina has ambitions to be a journalist and help tell the story of the Chibok girlsThe grass is overgrown, the tiles on the walkways are new. The rust-coloured main gate has been moved and the dormitories do not exist any more. When the grounds were rebuilt, it reopened as a day school in 2021.While the cosmetic changes to the school are significant, outside the gates little has changed in Chibok. Insecurity is still rife. Boko Haram gunmen continue to attack the area, the latest assault late last year.The poorly maintained roads are dotted with checkpoints and there is a heavy military presence in the town. Mobile communication is patchy, a telecom mast lies on its side next to the road, probably felled by militants, a local colleague says.Then there are the emotional scars.Amina spent two years as a hostage in Sambisa. Like many of the captives, she was forced to “marry” a militant and convert to Islam. There was a routine to life in the forest; cooking, cleaning, learning the Quran, but Amina never gave up hope that one day she would escape.”I just thought even if I spend 10 years [as a hostage], one day I will escape,” she says.And one day she did.It took weeks of trekking through thick bush in sweltering temperatures, little food and with her two-month-old baby strapped to her back, but she made it.Parents of Chibok girls heartbroken – againThe secret diaries of the Chibok girlsThe town that lost its girlsBut more than 90 girls are still missing. Her friend Helen Nglada is one of them. Amina and Helen were classmates. They were both singers in the church band that Helen led. After the kidnap, the two grew close in Sambisa forest, spending as much time as they could together. The last conversation Amina had with Helen was about Chibok and how much they wished they could go back there. Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, For Helen’s mother, Saratu, meeting Amina brings back painful memoriesThe agony caused by Helen’s continued absence is etched on the faces of her parents, Saratu and Ibrahim, who are sitting outside their modest home, a short distance from the school.Her mother tightly grips two photographs of Helen and her sister. The girls are wearing matching outfits, headscarves and serious expressions.”I just wish I got my friend back,” Amina says, “so we can share the happiness with her.”Saratu struggles to contain her emotions. “Any time you come to the house and I see you, my mind goes back to my daughter,” she says to Amina.She breaks down into floods of tears and Amina places a hand on her shoulder to comfort her.”I just want our [state] governor to do something and rescue our children,” Ibrahim says quietly. “He should put in more effort to rescue the other children.”Amina’s escape in 2016 was accompanied by huge fanfare and relief.After being debriefed by the military, she met government officials including then President Muhammadu Buhari, who said the course of her life would change for the better.”[The president said] he’s going to take care of us and send us to school and even our children too,” Amina recalls. “Because it’s not our fault to find ourselves in that situation and the children too, they don’t know anything. They’re innocent. So he’s going to take care of them.”Image source, AFPImage caption, When she escaped from Boko Haram in 2016, Amina (L) and her baby met then President Muhammadu BuhariLife today does not look like what was promised.Amina now lives in Yola, about five hours away from Chibok by road, and shares a small room with her daughter. They share an outdoor bathroom with a neighbour and she cooks on firewood outside.Money is tight. She receives 20,000 naira ($15; £12) a month to cover everyday expenses but nothing for her daughter’s education, despite the government’s promises. She pays that bill herself with the little money she makes from farming.”It’s hard for me to look after my daughter,” she says. “What can I do? I have to do it because I don’t have anyone.”Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Amina struggles with the money she has to bring up her daughter who was born in a Boko Haram campAmina is balancing raising her daughter while studying at the American University of Nigeria (AUN), a private and elite institution.AUN is the only option Amina and the other Chibok girls were given to resume their studies, but many of them have struggled to keep up and some have dropped out. “We didn’t choose AUN because we know the school standards are difficult for us, we girls come from poor backgrounds,” she says. “The former minister forced us to come to this school.” The girls said they would have liked more autonomy in choosing where they could study and wonder if some of the government’s money spent covering the AUN’s high fees could have been better spent directly supporting them. Amina has attended AUN since 2017, but is not close to graduating. Only one of the former captives has graduated.Nigeria’s Women’s Affairs Minister Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye says the government has been paying AUN roughly $350,000 a year for the Chibok girls and their education over the last six years. It is an arrangement she says will be reviewed.”I’m not paying nobody that kind of money. Even if they put it on the budget, I will not release the money,” she says. “The girls should be considered first and foremost. School is important, first and foremost. But you don’t go to school on an empty stomach.”Rakiya Gali is another Chibok girl – she escaped from Boko Haram in 2017. She was a student at AUN briefly, but dropped out due to poor health.Rakiya says she does not receive any financial support and like Amina pays for her son’s education with the money she makes from farming, despite promises from the government.”The government has been unfair to us,” she says in an impassioned voice. “They knew that we went into [Sambisa forest] and came back with children. If they cannot help us, then who will help us?”In addition to the financial burden, Rakiya lives in fear, as her town is still being attacked by Boko Haram. She says militants recently burned down her son’s school.”Whenever I hear any sound, I think it is a gunshot,” she says.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, The school still exists – though it no longer takes boardersRakiya desperately wants to move forward with her life and secure the best possible education for her son, but the lack of support makes things feel impossible. So much so, she believes the Chibok girls who remain hostages would stay with Boko Haram if they could see how she and those who escaped are living outside the camp.”When [the girls] return [they] will come join us in this situation,” she says. “I would say it is better to stay [in Sambisa forest] with the child and the father will provide support, rather than going through this trouble.”The conditions she describes are a far cry from those of one of their former captors.Muhammad Alli, a former Boko Haram fighter who was involved in the Chibok kidnapping, is now living in Maiduguri with his family – including eight children. He was part of the militant group for 13 years and rose to the rank of commander, even forcefully “marrying” one of the Chibok girls.”At the time I married them, I did not feel any guilt,” he says. “But when I decided to surrender, I started to realise how awful they must have felt being forced to do these things.”Like thousands of other fighters, Muhammad was granted amnesty and completed the state government rehabilitation programme. He has a farm, but also works with the military to help rescue abducted girls.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Muhammad Alli is now helping the authorities tackle other hostage situationsLast year he was part of a group that rescued some of the same people he had helped kidnap. “They were in a terrible state when we found them,” he says. “I cried at the sight of them.”The amnesty programme is not without controversy, with some saying that former militants like Mohammad should serve jail time and be held accountable for their numerous crimes. “All I can say in that regard is to ask for forgiveness,” Mohammed counters. “I am remorseful, I am looking for ways to quench the fire we started, and I do this with the men whom I surrendered with. We are doing our best to weaken the effects of insurgency.”But the insurgency rages on, and kidnapping for ransom has become even more widespread in Nigeria. While reporting this story there were three separate kidnappings in north-eastern Nigeria, one of these attacks was on a school and was the largest of its kind since 2021.Mohammad says that the “success” of the Chibok kidnappings has encouraged these types of attacks.”We realised that the event shook the entire nation and Africa as a whole,” he says. “And the core mission of Boko Haram for [group leader] Abubakar Shekau was to ensure our activities attracted attention. “He also got money off some of these actions, which helped pay for transport and food, and that’s why they continued the abductions.”Serious questions remain around Nigeria’s military and its ability to tackle the insurgency that has spanned more than a decade and left hundreds of thousands of people dead, particularly as insecurity spreads to other parts of the country.Gen Christopher Gwabin Musa, Nigeria’s defence chief, has acknowledged the “enormous” challenges facing the military, calling the current state of insecurity in the country a “rude shock”, but is confident the tide is turning.As for the 91 Chibok girls still being held captive, Gen Musa says the military has not given up hope that they will be rescued.Despite her satisfaction with her current situation, Amina is hopeful too. She hopes to become a journalist one day, to be a voice for victims of kidnapping, to be a leader. She also hopes her daughter will finish her education and have a bright, safe future.Most of all, she hopes her classmates will one day be freed.”The only thing I need the government to do is to release some of my sisters that are still in captivity. I have that hope,” she says. “Because when they are still alive [there’s hope] they will come back one day.” You can watch Yemisi’s full report on the BBC Africa YouTube channelFind out more about the Chibok girls:PODCAST: What happened to the Chibok girls?Why was this freed Chibok girl treated differently? The kidnapped woman who defied Boko HaramThe man who brought back the Chibok girlsRelated TopicsNigeriaBoko HaramNigeria schoolgirl kidnappingsAround the BBCFocus on Africa podcastAfrica Daily podcastTop StoriesLive. Israel shoots down missiles and drones as Iran launches unprecedented attackIsrael says its defences in action as Iran attacksPublished1 hour agoSydney knife attacker identified by policePublished59 minutes agoFeaturesThe trafficked war babies looking for their long-lost familiesWorld watches nervously to see what Iran does nextUkraine could face defeat in 2024. Here’s how that might lookDifficult hunt for 12 impartial jurors to sit on historic Trump trialListen: The Liz Truss Memoir. AudioListen: The Liz Truss MemoirAttributionSoundsThe children living between starvation and deathHow Zendaya perfected ‘method dressing’Facing disaster – the Forest fans at HillsboroughAttributionSportSun, smoke and sport: Photos of the weekElsewhere on the BBC’She was the right side of cheeky’Dua Lipa makes a surprise visit to her old schoolAttributioniPlayerFrom the largest ship to disasters on deck…A closer look at times when cruise ships have caused commotionAttributioniPlayerThese adorable mice love Sir David AttenboroughThey bond over Planet Earth III and mountains of poo!AttributioniPlayerRobin Williams: from iconic shots to private snapsTen defining pictures throw a unique lens onto an extraordinary lifeAttributioniPlayerMost Read1Sydney knife attacker identified by police2Israel says its defences in action as Iran attacks3Squatters take over Gordon Ramsay’s £13m pub4US shoots down Iranian drones bound for Israel5Why did all the Little Chefs disappear?6’She is a hero’: Australia PM hails cop who shot attacker7How Zendaya perfected ‘method dressing’8Five arrested after baby’s remains found9Longstanding Tory MP to stand down at next election10Are Rayner’s troubles a sign of what’s to come for Labour?
[ad_1] Most of the Chibok girls abducted 10 years ago in Nigeria are now free but some feel badly let down.
![BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityWorldAfricaAsiaAustraliaEuropeLatin AmericaMiddle EastUS & CanadaUkraine war: MPs pass long-awaited conscription lawPublished12 minutes agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingRelated TopicsWar in UkraineImage source, ReutersImage caption, The law provides for compulsory training for new recruits before they are sent into combatBy Robert GreenallBBC NewsUkraine’s parliament has passed legislation to help mobilise troops to fight invading Russian forces. The measure – adopted after months of wrangling – is aimed at boosting numbers in the military, which is under severe pressure as Russia continues its advances in the east.But a clause aimed at demobilising soldiers after three years was dropped at the army’s request. The president still has to sign the bill into law. Earlier this month, Volodymyr Zelensky approved other measures, including lowering the age of mobilisation by two years, to 25. The new legislation passed on Thursday tightens registration processes and strengthens penalties for draft dodgers. MP Oleksandr Fedienko said, quoted by Reuters, that the bill would send a “message to our partners that we are ready to retake our territory and we need weapons”.Ukraine’s military has been under severe pressure of late, in part due to Russia’s greater manpower. A senior general told MPs before the passing of the bill that Ukrainian forces were outnumbered by Russia by between seven and 10 to one.”We are maintaining our defences with our last strength,” joint forces commander Gen Yuriy Sodol said, quoted by Reuters.”Pass this law and the Ukrainian Armed Forces will not let down you or the Ukrainian people.”A total of 283 MPs voted in favour of the bill, but 49 opposition lawmakers abstained.Ukrainian deserters risk death to escape warUkraine war in maps: Russia makes limited advancesOne of them, Oleksiy Goncharenko, said he could not vote for a bill that excluded demobilisation.”The main question for those serving and those who might be potentially mobilised [is] ‘how long will I serve?’ Without this, I don’t think the law will improve mobilisation,” he said, quoted by the Financial Times.The demobilisation issue will now be considered in a separate bill, parliament officials said.Draconian measures to prevent draft-dodging were also excluded from the latest version of the bill after a public outcry. The main provisions of the bill, which has not yet been published in full, include:Obliging men aged 18-60 to update personal data with the military authorities and carry draft office registration documents at all timesFinancial rewards for volunteersCompulsory training for all new recruits before going into combat, and basic military training for those aged 18-25 (ie below the conscription age)People with convictions serving suspended sentences to be allowed to serve in the armyTracking procedure proposed for men of military age living abroadDriving bans for those who do not comply with the requirements of draft authoritiesThe bill was passed hours after the country was hit by more heavy bombardments by Russia.More than 80 missiles and drones targeted sites across Ukraine, many of them involving energy infrastructure.The Trypillya power plant, a key provider of electricity for three regions including Kyiv, was completely destroyed.Ukraine has been asking Western countries to send more assistance, including ammunition and air defences.But a $60bn US military aid package has been held up for months in Congress.This video can not be playedTo play this video you need to enable JavaScript in your browser.Media caption, BBC documentary shows Ukrainian defence missionRelated TopicsWar in UkraineUkraineMore on this storyKey power plant near Kyiv destroyed by Russian strikesPublished2 hours agoUkraine fires army conscription officials for taking bribesPublished11 August 2023Ukrainian deserters risk death to escape warPublished8 June 2023Ukraine war in maps: Russia makes limited advancesPublished21 FebruaryTop StoriesOJ Simpson, NFL star cleared in ‘trial of the century’, dies aged 76Published1 hour agoLive. 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![BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityCultureJ Cole apologises for Kendrick Lamar diss trackPublished1 hour agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingImage source, Getty ImagesImage caption, J Cole apologised in a three-minute monologue at the Dreamville Festival in North CarolinaBy Mark SavageMusic correspondent, BBC NewsJ Cole says he “felt terrible” after releasing a song aimed at fellow rapper Kendrick Lamar last week, and vowed to pull the track off streaming services.Titled 7 Minute Drill, Cole’s song was a reply to Lamar’s verse on the hit single Like That, in which the star asserted his dominance of the rap game.Cole hit back by saying Lamar had “fallen off like the Simpsons” and called his latest album “tragic”.But speaking on Sunday, Cole apologised for his “lame” and “goofy” response.”I ain’t gonna lie to y’all the past two days felt terrible,” he told an audience at the Dreamville Festival in North Carolina. “I damn near had a relapse”.He asked for forgiveness from Lamar, calling the song a “mis-step” and said he hoped to “get back to my true path”.What’s Kendrick Lamar’s beef with Drake and J Cole?The war of words started last year on the song First Person Shooter, where Cole suggested that he, Drake and Lamar were the current “big three” names in hip-hop.Lamar took exception to that description. In a fiery verse on the song Like That, he declared there was no “big three – it’s just big me”.He went on to call Cole’s best verses insubstantial – “a light pack” – and claimed he was the Prince to Drake’s Michael Jackson.’War time’Speaking on stage on Sunday, Cole said he had felt pressured to write a comeback.”Y’all heard that bazooka that was dropped on the game, right? Boy, I must have had a thousand missed calls. Texts flooded.”Friends and colleagues were calling it “war time” and said they wanted to “see blood,” he explained. “I was conflicted because… I know how I feel about my peers, these two [rappers] that I’ve been blessed to even stand beside… But the world want to see blood.”Image source, Getty ImagesImage caption, Kendrick Lamar’s fourth album, DAMN, won the Pulitzer Prize for musicAlthough he tried to keep the tone of his verse friendly, the end result “didn’t sit right with my spirit”.He went on to praise Lamar’s back catalogue, calling him “one of the greatest”, and hoping that he hadn’t taken offence.”And if he did, I got my chin out. Take your best shot, I’ll take that on the chin.”Cole went on to promise that 7 Minute Drill would be removed, or updated, from streaming services. Appropriately enough, the album it appears on is called Might Delete Later.De-escalationIt’s unusual, but not unheard of, for rappers to retract diss tracks after their release. In fact, this isn’t even Cole’s first brush with the phenomenon.In 2011, at the start of Cole’s career, veteran New York MC Canibus released a song called J Clone, accusing the up-and-comer of disrespect.But 48 hours later, he posted an apology video, saying: “Hip-hop has spoken up loud and clear, it’s a ‘Cole world’ right now, and you’re reigning champ”.”I take full responsibility for my actions and I apologise for stepping over the line. It comes off as tacky, unsophisticated, and it’s just not G. I love hip-hop too much to further justify my selfish behaviour.”Related TopicsKendrick LamarMusicMore on this storyWhat’s Kendrick Lamar’s beef with Drake and J Cole?Published1 hour agoKendrick Lamar wins Pulitzer music prizePublished17 April 2018Top StoriesLive. 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![BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityWorldAfricaAsiaAustraliaEuropeLatin AmericaMiddle EastUS & CanadaGaza evacuation warnings from IDF contain many errors, BBC findsPublished53 minutes agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingRelated TopicsIsrael-Gaza warImage source, Getty Images/AnadoluImage caption, Two men and two boys on a street in Gaza look at a leaflet containing an IDF evacuation warningBy Stephanie Hegarty & Ahmed NourBBC World Service & BBC ArabicEvacuation warnings issued by Israel to people in Gaza ahead of attacks have contained a host of significant errors, BBC analysis has revealed.Warnings contained contradictory information and sometimes misnamed districts. This made them confusing. Experts say such mistakes could violate Israel’s obligations under international law.The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has rejected any assertion the warnings were confusing or contradictory.In a statement, it said the alerts analysed by the BBC were only one element of its “extensive efforts to encourage the evacuation [of] civilians out of harm’s way”. International humanitarian law requires attacking forces to give effective advance warning of attacks which may affect the civilian population, unless circumstances do not permit.Israel says its warning system is designed to help civilians flee danger as it continues its war against Hamas. The system divides a map of Gaza into hundreds of numbered blocks.Israel has produced an interactive online map of the blocks that geo-locates users, showing their live location and which block number they are in.This IDF post from late January shows a social media post on X with a link through via QR code to the master block map.But people we spoke to have described struggling to get online to access the system, as well as finding the block system difficult to understand, notwithstanding the errors.The BBC analysed the IDF’s Arabic language social media channels on Facebook, X and Telegram, where we found hundreds of posts containing warnings. The same warnings were often posted repeatedly. We also searched for leafleted warnings which had been photographed and shared online. The IDF says it has dropped 16 million such leaflets over Gaza.We have focused our analysis on warnings issued since 1 December, which is when the IDF launched its block system as a way of providing more precise instructions than previously, after coming under international pressure. We grouped all of the IDF’s posts and leaflets that we found after this date into 26 separate warnings. The vast majority made reference to the master block system.The IDF told the BBC it also warned of impending attacks through pre-recorded phone messages and live phone calls. Due to damage to Gaza’s phone network we have not been able to compile data on these phone calls. And our analysis of leaflets was limited to those we could find photographed and shared online.The 26 separate warnings we found contained specific information from the IDF that people could use to escape areas of danger. But 17 of them also contained errors and inconsistencies.These included:Twelve warnings in which blocks or neighbourhoods were listed in the text of the post but not highlighted on the accompanying map Nine in which areas were highlighted on the map but not listed in the accompanying textTen warnings in which the evacuation zone shaded on the map cut blocks in two, potentially causing confusionSeven in which arrows on the map that were supposed to point to areas of “safety” actually pointed to areas also under evacuationIn addition, one warning listed neighbourhoods as being in one district when they were actually in another. Another mixed up the block numbers of two neighbourhoods. And in a third, some blocks listed in the text were on the opposite side of Gaza to those highlighted on the accompanying map.When we put these errors to the IDF, it did not respond to the issues we raised with the maps specifically but said the text of posts had been sufficiently clear. It also said that when arrows were used to direct people to safety, “it is obvious that the arrows point to a general direction” and reiterated that the key information had been provided in the text.These inaccuracies and errors may violate Israel’s obligation under international law to provide “effective advanced warnings”, says Janina Dill, co-director of the Oxford Institute of Ethics, Law and Armed Conflict.If the majority of warnings contain errors or are unclear to the point that civilians can’t understand them then, she says, “these warnings do not fulfil the proper function they have under international humanitarian law”. This, adds Kubo Macak professor of international law at the University of Exeter, undermines their function to give “civilians the chance to protect themselves”.’Big argument’In December, Saleh, a tech entrepreneur from Gaza City, was sheltering with his children and his in-laws in Nuseirat in central Gaza – where, he says, there was no electricity or phone signal and long periods of internet outage.He saw people killed and others fleeing from a nearby school as it was being shelled, but says he had not received any IDF evacuation details.Eventually, he found someone with a Sim card that allowed him to access data networks in Egypt and Israel and came across an evacuation warning on an Israeli government Facebook page.”There was an evacuation order for several residential blocks – [but] we didn’t know which block we lived in. This led to a big argument,” Salah says.Salah could only access the internet intermittently, but he messaged his wife Amani, who has been in the UK since just before the war. She was able to go online and access the IDF’s master block map and pinpoint where her husband was. But then, looking back at the specific evacuation warning on Facebook, the couple realised the numbered block where Salah was staying was shown cut in two – adding to the family’s confusion.Eventually, Salah decided to leave with the children. But some of his family stayed put – until fighting escalated further.When the BBC analysed the Facebook evacuation warning Salah had been trying to decipher, we found further points of confusion. In text, the post urged people to leave blocks 2220, 2221, 2222, 2223, 2224 and 2225 – all blocks that appear in the IDF’s online master map.But in the accompanying map, the six numbered blocks had been lumped into one, and mislabelled as block 2220.Despite these inconsistencies, Israel presented its block warning system at the International Court of Justice in January as part of its defence against allegations by South Africa that it is committing genocide. Israel’s lawyers argued that it was doing its utmost to protect civilians and had “developed a detailed map so that specific areas can be temporarily evacuated, instead of evacuating entire areas”. They presented one social media warning in court as evidence – but the BBC has found two errors in it.Block 55 and 99 were listed in the text of the post from 13 December but they were not shaded on the map. The IDF told the BBC that when a block number is explicitly mentioned in text, the warning is sufficiently clear.Israel’s lawyers also claimed that the IDF, via its Arabic Twitter account, was providing information on the location of shelters close to areas being evacuated. But in all of the posts and leaflets we analysed we did not see any warning providing names or exact locations of shelters.BBC analysis has also found the IDF’s block system overall was used inconsistently. Nine of the 26 warnings listed a mix of block numbers and neighbourhood names. Another nine didn’t mention block numbers at all. Despite linking through to the online master map, they instead listed neighbourhoods by name – which often sprawled over many numbered blocks.The BBC could not find a way to determine the exact blocks of these neighbourhoods.The Abdu family, which includes 32 people, also fled Gaza City to central Gaza early in the war. Then, in December, they received a warning leaflet dropped from a plane.Messages on the family Whatsapp group, which the BBC has seen, chart their confusion as they argued for two days over what the leaflet meant. It contained a list of neighbourhoods to evacuate, but the family couldn’t locate most of these places.The warning asked people to leave “Al-Bureij Camp and the neighbourhoods of Badr, the North Coast, al-Nuzha, al-Zahra, al-Buraq, al-Rawda, and al-Safa in the areas south of Wadi Gaza.”We located an al-Zahra and a Badr close by, but they are north of the Wadi Gaza riverbed. We could not find the neighbourhoods of al-Rawda or al-Nuzha in the “areas south of Wadi Gaza”.The Abdu family struggled to decide what to do. Should they stay and risk getting caught up in a fierce ground battle – or leave, and abandon the only shelter they might find?Some followed the warning to go to “shelters in Deir al-Balah”. But when they arrived they felt unsafe and decided to return. If they were going to die they would die together, they told us.Satellite data on destruction in Gaza – analysed by Jamon Van Den Hoek at Oregon State University and Corey Scher of City University New York Graduate Center – shows that the area of Deir al-Balah that the family fled to came under more intense attack during this period than the area that they had left. The IDF told us it had cross-checked “data regarding civilian presence and movement that followed these warnings” and that many people did receive and follow them.It said that warnings had “saved countless civilian lives in the Gaza Strip”.Related TopicsIsrael-Gaza warIsraelMore on this storyBBC verifies attacks in Gaza ‘safe’ areasPublished1 November 2023Top StoriesIsrael says it will open new aid routes into GazaPublished50 minutes agoErrors in IDF Gaza evacuation warnings, BBC findsPublished53 minutes agoTory tells paper he shared MP numbers with dating app contactPublished3 hours agoFeatures’The walls were crumbling’ – escaping Taiwan’s earthquakeThe Papers: MPs’ honeytrap and Biden’s ‘strongest rebuke yet’Detective’s promise to murdered PC’s husbandWeekly quiz: Which of Marilyn’s belongings went under the hammer?Train strikes: How will you be affected?Two brothers, one club and a 40-year waitAttributionSportHow much will the 2p National Insurance cut save me?No Labels won’t challenge Trump and BidenIs H from Steps really getting a statue? 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![BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityWorldAfricaAsiaAustraliaEuropeLatin AmericaMiddle EastUS & CanadaWorld Central Kitchen founder José Andrés says Israel targeted staff in Gaza ‘car by car’Published1 hour agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingRelated TopicsIsrael-Gaza warThis video can not be playedTo play this video you need to enable JavaScript in your browser.Media caption, Watch: Video shows World Central Kitchen vehicles destroyed in Gaza air strikeWorld Central Kitchen (WCK) founder José Andrés has accused Israeli forces in Gaza of targeting his aid workers “systematically, car by car”.Monday’s strike which killed seven members of his staff was not a mistake, he said, repeating that Israeli forces had been told of their movements.WCK workers from Australia, Canada, Poland, the UK and the US were killed as well as their Palestinian colleague.Israel says the strike was a “grave mistake” and has apologised.It has also promised an independent investigation. According to the charity, the aid convoy was hit while leaving the Deir al-Balah warehouse, “where the team had unloaded more than 100 tonnes of humanitarian food aid brought to Gaza on the maritime route”.The convoy was made up of three vehicles, including two that were armoured, which clearly displayed the charity’s logo. All three were hit during the strike.Speaking to Reuters news agency on Wednesday, the Spanish-American celebrity chef said this was not a “bad luck situation where, ‘oops,’ we dropped the bomb in the wrong place”. Jeremy Bowen: The Israel-Gaza war is at a crossroadsIn a separate interview with Israel’s Channel 12 news, Mr Andrés said “it was really a direct attack on clearly marked vehicles whose movements were known by everybody at the IDF [Israel Defense Forces]”.Image source, World Central KitchenImage caption, WCK released pictures of the victimsThe bodies of six of the dead WCK workers have since been taken from Gaza into Egypt to be repatriated. Their Palestinian colleague was buried in his hometown in Rafah, southern Gaza, on Tuesday.Humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip is in doubt after WCK – a key provider of aid to the territory – suspended operations.The UN announced it was pausing movements at night for at least 48 hours to evaluate the security situation.Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has described the strike as unintentional.”It happens in war, we check it to the end, we are in contact with the governments, and we will do everything so that this thing does not happen again,” Mr Netanyahu said on Tuesday.IDF Chief of General Staff Herzi Halevi called the incident a “grave mistake” and said “it shouldn’t have happened,” blaming the strike on misidentification.US President Joe Biden has condemned the strike, accusing Israel of not doing enough to protect aid workers.”The United States has repeatedly urged Israel to deconflict their military operations against Hamas with humanitarian operations, in order to avoid civilian casualties,” Mr Biden said.Three of the killed aid workers were British nationals. A Polish national, an Australian, a Palestinian and a dual US-Canadian citizen were also killed.UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak spoke to Mr Netanyahu on Tuesday. On the call, he described the situation in Gaza as “increasingly intolerable” and “demanded a thorough and transparent independent investigation” into the killing of the aid workers.Mr Sunak added that Israel needed to end restrictions on humanitarian aid and protect civilians, according to a Downing Street statement.In other reaction:Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said he had “expressed Australia’s anger and concern” in a long phone call with Mr Netanyahu, and that he expected a “full and proper explanation for how this has occurred”Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski said he had demanded an independent investigation from Israel Katz, his Israeli counterpartCanadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said “full accountability” was needed, adding that it was “absolutely unacceptable for aid workers to be killed” by the IDFBBC VERIFY: What do we know so far?WORLD CENTRAL KITCHEN: Facing danger to feed millionsANALYSIS: Deadly strike shows aid workers’ protection in crisis, agencies sayPROFILES: Who were the seven aid workers killed in Gaza?Four days ago, WCK said that it had distributed 42 million meals in the Gaza Strip – dispatching more than 1,700 food trucks and also sending close to 435,000 meals by sea.According to Cogat, the Israeli defence ministry body in charge of civilian policy in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, WCK is responsible for 60% of the non-governmental aid getting into the territory.A second charity, the American Near East Refugee Aid (Anera), which was working closely with WCK, told the BBC it was also freezing its operations in Gaza.More than 196 aid workers have been killed in Gaza since October, according to the US-funded Aid Worker Security Database, which records major incidents of violence against aid personnel. Not all have been killed in the line of duty.Much of the Gaza Strip has been devastated during the Israeli military operations that began after Hamas gunmen attacked southern Israel on 7 October, killing about 1,200 people and seizing 253 hostages.About 130 of the hostages remain in captivity, at least 34 of whom are presumed dead.More than 32,916 people have been killed in Gaza since then, the Hamas-run health ministry says.Related TopicsMiddle EastIsrael-Gaza warIsraelGazaUnited StatesPolandCanadaAustraliaMore on this storyWhat we know about Israeli strike on aid convoyPublished10 hours agoDeadly strike shows aid workers’ protection in crisis, agencies sayPublished1 day agoWho were the seven aid workers killed in Gaza?Published7 hours agoBritons killed in Gaza remembered as heroesPublished2 hours agoTop StoriesCharity boss says Israel targeted staff ‘car by car’Published1 hour agoJeremy Bowen: The Israel-Gaza war is at a crossroadsPublished8 hours agoDozens trapped and 900 injured in Taiwan earthquakePublished5 hours agoFeaturesJeremy Bowen: The Israel-Gaza war is at a crossroadsWho were the seven aid workers killed in Gaza?What we know about Israeli strike on aid convoySunak facing pressure over UK arms sales to IsraelBonsai and bowing: Japan’s royal family join InstagramChina will have 300 million pensioners. 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