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BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityWorldAfricaAsiaAustraliaEuropeLatin AmericaMiddle EastUS & CanadaJeremy Bowen: Israel denies famine looms in Gaza, but evidence is overwhelmingPublished2 hours agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingRelated TopicsIsrael-Gaza warImage source, ReutersImage caption, Erez crossing remains closed despite Israel saying it would reopen itBy Jeremy BowenBBC international editor The first time I crossed into Gaza through the Erez checkpoint in 1991 it was not much more than a few bored Israeli soldiers in a shed, checking IDs, before they let visitors drive their cars through an opening in the barbed wire and into Gaza. In the years since then, it evolved into a gleaming terminal, with complex layers of concrete walls, defences and steel gates, all covered with dozens of CCTV cameras. Only the very trusted and privileged were allowed to drive through Erez. Journalists had to walk and drag their bags with them. Until 7 October, when Hamas fighters smashed through Erez. They attacked the nearby military base, killing Israeli soldiers and taking others hostage. Since then, it has been closed to all but the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). As part of Israel’s attempt to placate President Joe Biden after seven workers from the World Central Kitchen charity were killed by the IDF, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu promised to reopen Erez to humanitarian convoys. That matters because it is the simplest way to get aid to perhaps 300,000 Palestinians in northern Gaza. The most authoritative measure of food emergencies, known as the IPC, has warned that famine will have gripped the area in the next four weeks or so. Joe Biden’s humanitarian envoy to Gaza, David Satterfield, said on Wednesday that there was “an imminent risk of famine for the majority, if not all, the 2.2 million population of Gaza”. The famine has been caused by the siege Israel imposed just after the 7 October attacks. At the time the Israeli defence minister Yoav Gallant said: “I have ordered a complete siege on the Gaza Strip. There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed. “We are fighting human animals, and we are acting accordingly.” Israel was forced by international pressure to allow in limited supplies of aid. But over six months it has not been anything like enough. Israel argued, inaccurately, that hunger in Gaza was caused by Hamas stealing and stockpiling aid and the UN’s failure to distribute what was left.Close supporters of Prime Minister Netanyahu continue to deny there is a famine. One of them, an MP called Boaz Bismuth, told me at Israel’s parliament that there was no famine in Gaza and allegations that Israel was starving civilians were based on antisemitism. The evidence of famine, however, is overwhelming.Image source, Boaz Bismuth/XImage caption, Israeli MP Boaz Bismuth said allegations that Israel was starving civilians were based on antisemitismThe Erez crossing, despite the prime minister’s promise to Joe Biden, is still closed. I managed to get close enough to look down on the Erez terminal. Nothing was moving. I couldn’t see people, let alone trucks. Reports in Israel say the government is talking about opening another crossing, less easily accessible to Israeli demonstrators who do not want any food or medical aid to enter Gaza while the hostages are still there and have been blocking some convoys. The UN and other aid providers say every day counts to try to help people caught up in the humanitarian catastrophe inside Gaza. The fact that Erez is closed looks like a delaying tactic. The Jewish ultranationalists whose backing keeps Mr Netanyahu in power also do not want to send in aid. The denial of famine fits seamlessly into the century of conflict between Arabs and Jews for possession of the land between the river Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea. The conflict is sustained not just by years of Israeli occupation of land in Gaza and the West Bank including East Jerusalem that Palestinians want as a state, and the opposition of armed groups, notably Hamas, to Israel’s existence. They also have opposing, wildly different national stories about their right to be there. The bitterness and bloodshed of the last six months have deepened the dehumanising differences between the two sides. Erez and Ashdod: How will new Gaza aid routes work?Bowen: Obstacles to peace seem larger than ever I have spoken to many Palestinians and Israeli civilians in the last six months about their views of the war. It is hard to speak to Israeli soldiers, at least when they are in uniform. IDF spokespeople try hard to control the messages that reach journalists. But since much of Israel’s fighting strength depends on mobilising reservists, it is much easier to talk to them when they are back in civilian life. In an unscientific attempt to get a feel for the beliefs and perceptions of Israeli soldiers after six months of war I went to Ben Gurion University of the Negev, in the town of Beersheba in southern Israel. It is only about 25 miles from Gaza. Image caption, Students from the university were among those killed on 7 OctoberThe rector of the university, Chaim Hames, told me that more than 100 members of their community – students, staff, faculty and their families – had been killed or taken hostage on 7 October. 6,500 students from a student body of 20,000 were mobilised. The war, Mr Hames said, was always close. “The hospital is just across the road, the helicopters constantly ferrying the wounded from Gaza. Students are sitting in the classrooms. They hear the helicopters coming in and out, and many of them have friends who are still on active duty. It impacts everything.” I spoke to three young men who had spent months fighting in Gaza. They didn’t want to use their full names. One of them, Ben, a 28-year-old postgraduate who serves in an engineering unit blowing up tunnels, had left only a few days before. He said the whole time he was in there it felt personal. “I remember 7 October. I remember all my friends and the kibbutzim from the Gaza Strip. All my friends from the music festival… some are still hostages. The whole point was to make sure that it can never happen again and to replace Hamas as the ruling government. To make sure that our people are safe again.””It’s extremely personal. From day one. I didn’t wake up on a Saturday morning and hear about this from the news. I woke up and learned about it from group chats. From my phone, from people begging for help.” Image caption, The three Israeli students said the war was necessaryOded, another 28-year-old who serves in a combat unit, agreed. “I think everybody here is related somehow to what happened. Everybody. Everybody knows someone that was kidnapped. That was killed… It’s not like a regular situation when it happens to a certain area. It’s heavy. It’s everywhere.” Ilan, a 25-year-old who serves in the reconnaissance unit of the paratroop brigade, detected sympathy and support for Hamas among civilians with whom he had come into contact.”Of course, there are civilians that have nothing to do with it, but many of them are not that innocent… Many had photos of them holding an AK 47, photos of their children holding weapons. All the books, and pictures of Israel in flames.” “I think many of them aren’t innocent and they think it will be really hard to find those that are innocent. But it doesn’t mean I think everyone should get hurt”.All three student soldiers agreed the war was necessary. “We all wish for peace,” said Oded. “For quiet. Of course, I prefer to be here in the university to study, to go and drink my coffee instead of fighting a war like. It’s not fun going to fight in a war, but sometimes it’s necessary. And in this situation, it’s necessary.”According to a poll conducted by Tel Aviv University’s Peace Index three weeks after the 7 October attacks, most Israelis said they were now against the idea, revived by Joe Biden and other Western leaders, that the only way of ending this long conflict is to establish a Palestinian state alongside Israel. Ben said his thinking had changed because of the war. “I think that if you would have asked me this question on 6 October, then I would say definitely yes, I would just do a Palestinian state. Let them live over there, and we’ll live over here, and we’ll all coexist, and everything will be nice. But after 7 October, it seems clear to me that that they don’t want it as much as I wanted it.” Ilan agreed with him. “The idea of a state will never work until they show any acknowledgement of us having also a state of our own. I think the real cause of many of them, unfortunately, not to have two states to have one state, their own state, and us out of here. So of course, I want a good life for them also. But it starts from the education, the route. It will take a long time.” Image source, Getty ImagesImage caption, The Islamic University in Gaza City was badly damaged in Israeli bombardments, as were the territory’s 11 other universitiesThe Palestinian view of the war is entirely different. The idea that Israel is committing genocide alongside a whole range of other crimes of war in Gaza is universally accepted among them. As for education, schools and universities have been smashed by Israel in Gaza, as part of a scorched earth policy that has done vast damage.More than 2,000 academics affiliated with universities in North America have written an open letter condemning what they call “scholasticide” in Gaza. All 12 universities in Gaza have been destroyed and damaged. The letter condemns Israel for, among other actions, destroying the Islamic University by air strikes on 11 October and blowing up al-Isra University on 17 January, after using it as a barracks and detention centre. As well as the destruction of higher education, no children are going to primary or secondary schools. Ceasefire talks are going on in Cairo, mediated by the US, Egypt and Qatar. Prospects for success are poor. Both Israel and Hamas have entrenched positions and no inclination to budge. That is bad news for everyone, especially Palestinian civilians in Gaza and the surviving Israeli hostages. Related TopicsIsrael-Gaza warIsraelPalestinian territoriesMore on this storyErez and Ashdod: How will new Gaza aid routes work?Published2 days agoFirst Gaza aid ship sets off from CyprusPublished12 MarchInside the US plan to get food into Gaza by seaPublished13 MarchUN uses new route from Israel to reach north GazaPublished13 MarchWhy food airdrops into Gaza are controversialPublished6 MarchTop StoriesOJ Simpson, NFL star cleared in ‘trial of the century’, dies aged 76Published1 hour agoPostmistress jailed while pregnant rejects ex-Post Office boss’ apologyPublished2 hours agoKey power plant near Kyiv destroyed by Russian strikesPublished5 hours agoFeaturesObituary: The spectacular fall of NFL star OJ SimpsonListen: Americast – The life and death of OJ SimpsonAttributionSoundsBowen: Israel denies famine looms in Gaza, but evidence is overwhelmingHow gang violence gripped a tourist havenNazanin: ‘Freedom is sweet… but it’s not easy’What is the minimum salary UK visa applicants need?UK weather: Is it turning warmer?AttributionWeatherWas South Korea’s president thwarted by a spring onion?Listen: How will Labour plug the gap in NHS funding?AttributionSoundsElsewhere on the BBCShould you be worried about getting enough protein?Dr Julia Ravey and Dr Ella Hubber unpick this macronutrient to find out what it does in our bodiesAttributionSounds’I’m not difficult… I just cannot take mediocrity’Explore the meteoric rise to fame and troubled personal life of the comedy pioneer Peter SellersAttributioniPlayer’I was freaking out, I knew I was in trouble’How did Australian Holly Deane-Johns end up in a notorious Thai prison?AttributionSoundsUnearthing the fascinating stories of our ancestorsBritain’s Biggest Dig gives a glimpse into the life of the rich and poor of Georgian LondonAttributioniPlayerMost Read1Man in court over murder of wife as she pushed pram2OJ Simpson, NFL star cleared in ‘trial of the century’, dies aged 763Postmistress jailed while pregnant rejects ex-Post Office boss’ apology4Stormy conditions turn sea pink5Dazzling artwork found at ancient city of Pompeii6Wife died in ‘out of character’ attack by husband with dementia7Key power plant near Kyiv destroyed by Russian strikes8Donelan’s libel bills cost taxpayers £34,0009Ukrainian MPs pass law to boost troop numbers10Vietnamese billionaire sentenced to death for $44bn fraud
[ad_1] That matters because it is the simplest way to get aid to perhaps 300,000 Palestinians in northern Gaza. The most authoritative measure of food emergencies, known as the IPC,…
![BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountLiveNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityWorldAfricaAsiaAustraliaEuropeLatin AmericaMiddle EastUS & CanadaNigeria’s kidnap crisis: Inside story of a ransom negotiatorPublished10 minutes agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingImage source, ReutersBy Priya SippyBBC NewsA hostage negotiator has told the BBC that paying ransoms may be illegal, yet it is the only way families can guarantee the release of relatives kidnapped by the gangs terrorising swathes of northern Nigeria.Sulaiman, whose name has been changed to protect his identity, is from Kaduna state, where 280 children were recently abducted from a school in the town of Kuriga.He has been working informally in this controversial and risky role for several years – since some of his relatives were taken hostage.”We have to negotiate. You cannot use force to get hostages back. It would put the lives of our loved ones in danger,” he tells the BBC. Sulaiman first became involved in negotiations with kidnappers, referred to locally as bandits, in 2021 – a year before the payment of ransoms became illegal in Nigeria.Over the last three years he says he has negotiated the release of more than 200 hostages – a small fraction of the thousands of people abducted over the last decade.The negotiations take patience – and courage.”The government believes I have been helping the bandits,” he says, speaking from an undisclosed location.”The bandits think I have been getting money from the government, so I am also a kidnap target.” His first negotiation took place as he was trying to raise a ransom of around $12,500 (£9,800) for two of his relatives who had been abducted.”I did not know what I was doing. I was just speaking with the bandits – and begging them,” he says.However his patient approach with the gang members worked and in the end his relatives were freed – though he had to sell his farm in his home village to cover the ransom.Image source, AFPImage caption, This student, kidnapped in July 2021, was released before the payment of ransoms became illegalWhen word spread about the successful release, other families who were victims of kidnapping came to him for support. Soon his phone was constantly busy. “Almost everyone in my village has had a family member kidnapped,” he says, adding that he helps them out free of charge.And despite the outlawing of ransom payments, people still come to him – desperate for help.Sulaiman admits that it is a scary position for him to be in: “The government does not like negotiation with the bandits, and can send people to jail for doing that.”He puts his success down to his appreciation of the root causes of Nigeria’s kidnapping crisis, which he says is fuelled mainly by poverty and high levels of youth unemployment. Competition for land and resources between cattle herders and farmers has also contributed to the problem. The kidnappers tend to be former herders from the Fulani ethnic group, who target villages where mainly Hausa farmers reside.”When I speak to the bandits, I understand those people,” he says, adding that the negotiations tend to take place in Hausa, the lingua franca of the mainly Muslim north – though most kidnappers’ mother tongue is Fulfulde, spoken by the Fulani people.”I tell them that I know that they are living a difficult life in the bush, without electricity. I know that they feel they have been forgotten by the government.” Image source, AFPImage caption, Growing up in rural Nigeria has given the ransom negotiator an understanding of the issues fuelling the kidnappingThe gangs are often made up of gunmen on motorbikes who target areas and particular families on the word of paid informants. It is a huge, sophisticated money-making operation.Around 30,000 bandits in more than 100 gangs operate in north-western Nigeria, according to the Centre for Democracy and Development – a think-tank based in the capital, Abuja.Sulaiman says the success of his negotiations depends on the leader of the kidnappers: “Some bandits I have dealt with still keep hostages and want more money, even after you have paid the ransom.”But some of them release the hostages as soon as you pay.” The process can be arduous, taking up to 50 days to release a hostage and anywhere between 20 and 30 phone calls. “You have to use soft language. They can be rude and they will insult you but you have to remain calm,” he says. Despite a shortage of bank notes in Nigeria, the kidnappers demand that ransoms are paid in cash as bank transfers can be easily traced. Payments are usually delivered by a parent or a relative of one of the abductees, Sulaiman explains.”The bandit will call them and give them step-by-step directions on how to find them in the bush. Once they reach there, the bandit will count the money, note by note.” Image source, Getty ImagesImage caption, Sulaiman feels dialogue would work better than a heavy-handed approach to solve the crisisSometimes the bandits request motorcycles as part of the ransom payment, as well as alcohol and cigarettes. When another close contact of Sulaiman’s was kidnapped from a university along with other students – before ransom payments became illegal – he says the government paid around $2,370 for each student’s freedom – though there has never been any official confirmation of this. “The government will never admit on the record they paid [even then] because for them that would be admitting failure. But as insiders we know what happened and we didn’t have that kind of money,” he says.Sulaiman became involved in those negotiations and says the kidnappers had first demanded around $32,000 for each hostage and were eventually bargained down.These days with villagers left to foot the bill, few people can afford to raise the cash for ransoms. They often turn to crowd-funding for the money, though this is now also proving difficult given how the insecurity has devastated the economy.Bandits have been known to either kill hostages or release them when there is no hope of payment. Sulaiman thinks the spate of recent mass abductions from schools, and the threat to kill the students, may be a ploy to get the authorities to take notice: “They think the government will pay.”There are reports that the authorities have continued to pay ransoms on occasion – though this is always denied.And President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has been at pains to say “not a dime” will be paid for the recently abducted children of Kuriga, directing the security forces to ensure their release. Between July 2022 and June 2023, armed gangs demanded more than $6m in ransom payments, according to a report by SBM Intelligence, a security risk consulting firm. The ransom negotiator agrees with the authorities that continuing to pay up will just fuel the kidnapping business: “Ransom payments do encourage kidnapping. The bandits are just looking for money.”But he is certain that the heavy-handed approach of military force is not the answer: “If I can advise the government, they should meet these people and have dialogue with them.” Until then, Sulaiman fears the next time his phone rings, it will be another abduction case. Determined to keep helping his community, he is sure to answer the call.More on Nigeria’s kidnapping crisis:Schoolboy recounts daring escapeWhy mass abductions have returned to haunt NigeriaThe motorcycle bandits terrorising northern Nigeria’How I survived my train hijacking’Kidnapping and debt: A Nigerian legacyRelated TopicsNigeriaAround the BBCFocus on Africa podcastsTop StoriesThis will be year economy bounces back, Sunak says, after inflation fallsPublished7 hours agoBank of England expected to hold interest ratesPublished25 minutes agoFresh string of defeats in the Lords over government’s Rwanda billPublished4 hours agoFeaturesThe Papers: Rwanda defeat in Lords and ‘rate cut hope’Famine looms in Sudan as civil war survivors tell of killings and rapesWill the UK economy ‘bounce back’ this year? 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![BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountLiveNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityWorldAfricaAsiaAustraliaEuropeLatin AmericaMiddle EastUS & CanadaGazans crowdfund thousands for uncertain escapePublished38 minutes agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingRelated TopicsIsrael-Gaza warImage source, Getty ImagesImage caption, A man rides a horse-pulled cart in RafahBy Brandon DrenonBBC NewsAs deadly Israeli bombardments and acute food shortages continue, and a threatened Israeli military operation in southern Gaza looms, more and more Palestinians are seeking a way out – if they can find the money for it.This uncertain exit requires people to pay thousands of dollars and navigate scammers and misinformation to get their names onto a list of people approved to leave via the Rafah crossing to Egypt.The crossing is closed to the vast majority of people under an Egyptian-Israeli blockade against Hamas. Only some foreign passport holders and their dependents have been able to leave, as well as some seriously wounded and sick people and those accompanying them.However, a parallel system exists whereby Gazans pay Egyptian brokers to get on a list of people who can leave. Depending on who you talk to, prices range from $6,000 (£4,800) per person to over $12,000 – exorbitant sums for most of Gaza’s population.Yet increasing numbers of people are trying to raise the money to flee. Among them are the Hammads, currently displaced along with more than a million others in Rafah next to the Egyptian border. Their 15-year-old son Ibrahim has Down’s Syndrome. For him, the Israeli bombardment is particularly traumatic. Video posted by the family shows him shaking in distress after each thunderous boom from nearby airstrikes. His father Abed Alqader says they have had to artificially resuscitate him three times after he stopped breathing due to severe panic attacks. He says Ibrahim has been begging for the family to leave, saying “Please father, I cannot continue”. “For the last five months, all you hear are sounds of bombs, heavy bombing,” Mr Hammad added. “You just sit home and pray you will not be next.” Image source, Abed Alqader/ FacebookImage caption, Ibrahim Hammad pictured inside the Gaza Strip after 7 OctoberTheir online fundraising page, like most, is being managed outside Gaza, in their case by another son Amjad, who lives in Europe. It is one fundraiser among thousands, appealing for donors to assist Gazans to “survive”, “evacuate” and “escape genocide”. Some campaigns have been successful, raising over $100,000. However, the BBC spoke to several of these account holders who, even after achieving their fundraising goals, said their desperate attempts to help loved ones were mired in chaos and confusion. In the words of one fundraiser, a New Jersey woman who asked to remain anonymous to avoid risking the chance of hindering her cousin’s way out: “Every day is a toss-up.” A complex route out The first challenge is determining the cost to leave. Fundraising account holders who spoke to the BBC said the most common price was $6,000 per person, allowing people to leave within 72 hours. Some people fundraise toward the goal of $12,000 per person, the price said to get an exit within 24 hours. Once enough money is raised, the next challenge becomes getting tens of thousands of dollars into Gaza. There are few wire services like Western Union left in the devastated territory, and the line to enter is days-long. Some people have used cryptocurrency exchanges. Others have relied on PayPal accounts registered elsewhere, as the firm doesn’t provide services to people in Gaza or the occupied West Bank. Most people, however, wire the money to someone outside of Gaza – a relative or friend in Europe – who then withdraws the cash, and travels to Egypt to wait in a separate days-long line at the offices of Hala Travel in Cairo, an agency that facilitates travel between Egypt and Gaza. Footage from outside the Hala offices shows crowds thronging the street.Hala has not responded to requests for comment from the BBC. However, the BBC has obtained a copy of a receipt from Hala Travel dated 13 February for $6,000. The person’s name on that receipt also appears with four others on a separate ticket indicating they have been cleared for entry into Egypt. Visas and onward travel to Cairo are included. The final step is to check for approval online. Places like the Gaza Ministry of Foreign Affairs Facebook account publish daily lists of up to 250 approved names. All have paid thousands to get out, according to the person who provided the receipt, who asked to remain anonymous. People whose names appear on the official list must leave the same day. However, due to spotty WiFi service and rolling blackouts, some people miss their window to exit and have to repeat the entire process, including paying again, this person says. The man who provided the Hala receipt told the BBC that the names of those on the official list to enter Egypt only appear after they’ve been vetted by Egyptian intelligence. “Is this new? No. It’s not really new, but the price before the war was $600. Now it’s 10 times higher,” he says. “Gaza is not only under bombardment, but people are profiting from their suffering.” Hamas, the Palestinian group which was governing Gaza and launched the attack targeting civilians in southern Israel that triggered the current war, has also accused “companies, individuals and people with influence” of exploiting Gazans by “making them pay exorbitant amounts to coordinate their travel”.Egypt’s Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry has told Sky News that his country is investigating.We will take whatever measures that we need so as to restrict it and eliminate it immediately,” he said, without giving further details.In January, Egypt’s State Information Service head Diaa Rashwan “categorically denied the allegations related to the collection of additional fees from travellers from Gaza, as well as claims that an unofficial entity collected fees for the passage to Egyptian lands”. Egypt was trying to help Gaza’s Palestinians, he added, and did not want to impose extra burdens on them. Large sums raisedMuch of the crowdfunding is being led by friends and relatives who live abroad and have looked on helplessly as Israeli bombardment kills whole families and reduces neighbourhoods to rubble. “It’s heartbreaking to watch,” says Shahd, a woman in the US state of Virginia who asked only to go by her first name. She helped organise a campaign for her friends, two brothers, whom she met on TikTok in 2021. Her own relatives in Gaza were killed in October, she says. Shahd felt compelled to aid her friends after witnessing their narrow escapes from death – on one occasion being hit by flying masonry as a nearby building exploded. Since then, they have been struggling to survive amid Gaza’s deepening humanitarian crisis and, they say, navigating the gang rule that has replaced social cohesion. “There’s moments where [the brothers] are like, ‘We really can’t do this anymore. It might be better if we were killed’,” Shahd says. “They’re basically like family to me at this point. If anything were to happen to them, I’d probably lose it.” Image source, Getty ImagesImage caption, A man in Rafah clears rubble from a building hit by an airstrike The fundraising page for Shahd’s friends and some of their family has reached over $105,000. But sending it to them has been difficult. Their fundraising account was frozen for several days in February, blocking her from transferring the money. And the brothers’ PayPal accounts were locked for weeks without explanation. Multiple users raising money to aid people in Gaza have complained about having their accounts frozen. “People are literally trying to escape death,” one New Jersey woman told the BBC. “It’s just mind-blowing that every single corner we turn there’s a new obstacle.” Having raised $36,000, she says she missed a window to get her cousin and his family on the list while the company froze her account for several days in early February and asked for more information. She said the request, the first she’s had in a decade of using the platform, felt “discriminatory”. Nearly every person told the BBC they had the same experiences with delays, and multiple said they had to resort to legal threats before getting a response. GoFundMe, one of the platforms people are using to raise money, told the BBC its priority was “protecting the generosity of donors”. “GoFundMe has already helped deliver tens of millions of dollars to individuals and organizations supporting those in both Israel and Gaza, and we will continue to do so as quickly, securely, and safely as possible,” spokesman Jalen Drummond said. “Any suggestion of discrimination is wholly without merit, baseless, and contrary to the values that guide our platform.” Jordan, from Brooklyn, New York, has hit his fundraising target of $50,000 and plans to wire it directly to his friend’s bank in Gaza. His friend’s family must leave to access life-saving medicine. More than 1.5 million people are in Rafah, most of whom have fled there to escape the fighting, but only a slim minority have connections to people abroad who can help, a reality Jordan described as “really dark”.’I’m pretty much alive’Ahmad, who lives in Gaza but has a friend in Canada fundraising for him, says he has to leave because of chronic knee inflammation, the medication for which is no longer available in Gaza. “Me and anyone in Gaza may die in any second,” he said from the rooftop of a building in Rafah, Israeli drones buzzing in the background. Earlier that day, on 12 February, he sent the BBC a picture of two girls who he said died overnight in a nearby air strike. “I’m pretty much alive,” he said in the same WhatsApp message. “Very depressed bro.”Image source, AhmadImage caption, Two girls who Ahmad said died in an Israeli airstrike near his home in RafahThe 24-year-old has been fundraising for weeks but still hasn’t found a way out of Gaza.First, his fundraising account was frozen. As a result, he had to borrow thousands of dollars from his parents – who are resigned to staying in the war-zone – to pay some middlemen whom he trusted to facilitate getting him on the exit list.His plan failed after giving them $5,000, and he had to fork out another $3,000 to resolve the issue. He promised his parents he would pay them back once he got to Cairo and could access the money raised by crowdfunding.Ahmad is still waiting. On Thursday, reached by text message, he said he was in deep pain and feeling very anxious.But he felt hopeful he was on the verge of finally getting out of Gaza. It’s happening, he said, “anytime soon”.Related TopicsIsrael-Gaza warEgyptHamasMore on this storyGaza receives first airdrop of US humanitarian aidPublished3 hours agoFergal Keane: Aid convoy tragedy shows fear of starvation haunts GazaPublished9 hours agoWhy are Israel and Hamas fighting in Gaza?Published13 FebruaryTop StoriesGaza receives first airdrop of US humanitarian aidPublished3 hours agoFergal Keane: Aid convoy tragedy shows fear of starvation haunts GazaPublished9 hours agoTories need a Budget bounce but can Hunt deliver?Published10 hours agoFeaturesBiden treads carefully through Middle East minefieldWhat Navalny’s funeral tells us about Russia todayFaisal Islam: Why this won’t be the Budget that Jeremy Hunt wantedBad blood over Singapore Taylor Swift tour subsidiesKiller whale vs shark: Solo orca eats great white. 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![BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountLiveNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityWorldAfricaAsiaAustraliaEuropeLatin AmericaMiddle EastUS & CanadaIsrael-Gaza war: Mystery fate of six-year-old Palestinian girl trapped under firePublished19 minutes agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingRelated TopicsIsrael-Gaza warImage source, Rajab FamilyBy Lucy WilliamsonBBC News, JerusalemThe voice on the other end of the line was small and faint; a six-year-old’s voice, crackling on a mobile phone from Gaza.”The tank is next to me. It’s moving.”Sitting in the emergency call-centre of the Palestinian Red Crescent, Rana tried to keep her own voice calm.”Is it very close?””Very, very,” the small voice replied. “Will you come and get me? I’m so scared.”There was nothing Rana could do except keep the conversation going.Six-year-old Hind Rajab was trapped under fire in Gaza City and begging for help, hiding inside her uncle’s car, surrounded by the bodies of her relatives. Rana’s voice was her only fragile link with a familiar world. Hind had set off from her home in Gaza City earlier that day with her uncle, aunt and five cousins.It was Monday 29 January. That morning, the Israeli army had told people to evacuate areas in the west of the city and move south along the coast road. Hind’s mother, Wissam, remembers there was intense shelling in their area. “We were terrified, and we wanted to escape,” she said. “We were fleeing from place to place, to avoid the air strikes.”The family decided to head for the Ahli Hospital to the east of the city, hoping it would be a safer place to shelter. Wissam and her older child began making their own way there on foot; Hind was given a place in her uncle’s car, a black Kia Piccanto.”It was very cold and rainy,” Wissam explained. “I told Hind to go in the car because I didn’t want her to suffer in the rain.”As soon as the car left, she said, they heard loud shooting coming from the same direction.As Hind’s uncle drove towards the city’s famous al-Azhar University, the car is thought to have unexpectedly come face to face with Israeli tanks. They pulled into the nearby Fares petrol station for safety, and appear to have come under fire.Inside the vehicle, the family called relatives for help. One of them contacted the emergency headquarters of the Palestinian Red Crescent, 50 miles (80km) away in the occupied West Bank.It was now around 14:30 (12:30 GMT): operators at the Red Crescent call-centre in Ramallah called the mobile phone number for Hind’s uncle, but his 15-year-old daughter, Layan, answered instead.In the recorded phone call, Layan tells the Red Crescent staff that her parents and siblings have all been killed, and that there is a tank next to the car. “They are firing at us,” she says, before the conversation ends with the sound of gunfire and screaming.When the Red Crescent team ring back, it is Hind who answers, her voice almost inaudible, drowned in fear.It soon becomes clear that she is the only survivor in the car, and that she is still in the line of fire.”Hide under the seats,” the team tell her. “Don’t let anyone see you.”Operator Rana Faqih stayed on the line with Hind for hours, as the Red Crescent appealed to the Israeli army to allow their ambulance to access the location.”She was shaking, sad, appealing for help,” Rana remembered. “She told us [her relatives] were dead. But then later she described them as ‘sleeping’. So we told her ‘let them sleep, we don’t want to bother them’.”Hind kept asking, over and over again, for someone to come and get her.”At one point, she told me it was getting dark,” Rana told the BBC. “She was scared. She asked me how far away my house was. I felt paralysed and helpless.”Three hours after the call began, an ambulance was finally despatched to rescue Hind. In the meantime, the Red Crescent team had reached Hind’s mother, Wissam, and patched her phone line into the call.She cried more when she heard her mother’s voice, Rana remembers.”She pleaded with me not to hang up,” Wissam told the BBC. “I asked her where she was injured, then I distracted her by reading the Quran with her, and we prayed together. She was repeating every word I said after me.”Image caption, Hind’s grandfather, Bahaa Hamada, said Hind spoke of seeing an ambulance in the distanceIt was after dark when the ambulance crew – Yousef and Ahmad – notified operators that they were nearing the location, and were about to be checked for entry by Israeli forces. It was the last operators heard from their colleagues – or from Hind. The line to both paramedics, and to the six-year-old girl they came to rescue, disconnected for good.Hind’s grandfather, Bahaa Hamada, told the BBC that the girl’s connection with her mother lasted a few moments longer, and that the last thing Wissam heard was the sound of the car door being opened, and Hind telling her that she could see the ambulance in the distance. “Every second, my heart burns,” Wissam told the BBC. “Every time I hear the sound of an ambulance, I think, ‘maybe it’s her’. Every sound, every gunshot, every falling missile, every bomb – I wonder if it’s heading for my daughter, if she’s been hit.”Neither Red Crescent teams in Gaza, nor Hind’s family, have been able to reach the location, which still lies inside an active combat zone controlled by the Israeli army.”It’s hard at night,” the call operator Rana said, “when you wake up and hear her voice in your ear, saying ‘come and get me'”.We asked the Israeli army for details of its operations in the area that day, and about the disappearance of Hind and the ambulance sent to retrieve her. We asked again 24 hours later, and they said they were still checking.”Where is the International Court of Justice? Why are presidents sitting in their chairs?” Hind’s mother, Wissam, asked.A week on from her daughter’s disappearance, Wissam sits and waits at the Ahli hospital, day after day, filling the absence with a resolute hope that Hind will be brought back alive.”I’ve brought her things, and I’m waiting for her here,” she said. “I’m waiting for my daughter any moment, any second. I’m begging from a broken mother’s heart not to forget this story.”Related TopicsIsrael & the PalestiniansIsrael-Gaza warChildrenGazaMore on this storyThe Gazan children orphaned by warPublished5 days agoWhy are Israel and Hamas fighting in Gaza?Published5 days agoTop StoriesLive. Man arrested for allegedly helping Clapham suspect as new details releasedFamily’s anger over conditions killer dogs kept inPublished1 hour agoSnow warning for some as mild conditions to endPublished3 hours agoFeaturesGrammys Awards: The highs, lows and why Swift wonWatch: Celine Dion Grammy surprise and Jay Z backs Beyonce. 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