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BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityWorldAfricaAsiaAustraliaEuropeLatin AmericaMiddle EastUS & CanadaUkraine war: Russian double-tap strikes hit civilians then rescuers tooPublished51 minutes agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingRelated TopicsWar in UkraineImage source, Ivan Samoilov/Gwara Media/Global Images UkraineImage caption, Kharkiv’s emergency services were among the victims in a double strike earlier this monthBy Vitaly ShevchenkoRussia Editor, BBC MonitoringOn the night of 3 April, a swarm of Russian drones attacked Kharkiv, in Ukraine’s northeast. The country’s second-largest city has been targeted almost incessantly since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion. But this time was worse than usual, because, when rescue workers arrived at the scene, there was a second strike. Three of them were killed. The following Friday, it happened again when Russian missiles hit Zaporizhzhia, a major city in Ukraine’s southeast. Rescuers and journalists rushed to the scene, and then two more missiles hit. In total, four people were killed and more than 20 were wounded, including two local journalists.Both the Kharkiv and the Zaporizhzhia attacks employed a technique called “double-tap” – when an initial air strike is followed by a second attack, killing rescuers trying to help the injured. Russia has carried out this kind of repeat attack before. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said a strike on a building in the southern city of Odesa in March that killed 20 was a double-tap, and called it a “despicable act of cowardice”. Image source, DSNS Ukraine emergency serviceImage caption, Rescue service officials were among the victims of a deadly Russian double missile attack last month in OdesaBut Ukrainian officials say they have seen an increase in the use of such attacks. Oleh Synehubov, the governor of Kharkiv region, told Ukrainian media that Russia has started incorporating repeat strikes on its targets “day and night”. “The occupiers are using the tactic of double-taps to hit civilian rescuers and other workers who are there first to arrive at the scene,” he said. On Thursday, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said it had seen a “particularly troubling pattern” of double taps in recent weeks. It called them “cruel” and “unconscionable” and urged for them to stop. Rescuers from Ukraine’s State Emergencies Service DSNS often arrive to deal with the aftermath of Russian attacks before everyone else, and they also say the threat of repeat strikes is becoming ever more frequent. “Unfortunately, the tactic of double-tapping has been used increasingly often recently. This is difficult to comprehend. The Russians have no right to do this,” DSNS spokesman Oleksandr Khorunzhy told the BBC. “They know perfectly well what they’re doing, and not just to rescuers, police officers, utility workers or medics. This affects ordinary civilians,” Mr Khorunzhy said. He called double-taps “utterly immoral”. “I can’t wrap my head around this, it’s just inhuman,” he said. “They see perfectly well that unarmed rescuers are the first to arrive at the sites of their attacks.” The DSNS says 91 of its rescuers have been killed and more than 340 injured since the Russian full-scale invasion in February 2022. Kira Oves was one of the journalists injured in the Zaporizhzhia double-tap attack. She told the BBC that she had just arrived at the scene of a strike when she heard a whistling sound. “A colleague shouted: Incoming! On the ground!” She crouched and heard a massive explosion. She only realised that she was wounded after she felt blood streaming down her face. She and her colleague ran to what they thought was a safe place – only to hear another “enormous blast”. Image source, ReutersImage caption, Kira Oves was wounded in a double-tap strike in Zaporizhzhia earlier in April”I knelt down, and a policewoman rushed over to me to help close the wound. Another police officer bandaged my head to stop the bleeding. From the shouting we found out that another journalist had been wounded much more badly,” Kira said. She had not expected two more strikes to follow the one she had gone to report on. Ukrainians targeted by double-tap attacks accuse Russia of trying to crush their fighting spirit and resilience. They also worry that no medic or emergency worker would be prepared to risk coming to their rescue for fear of coming under fire, too. But there are other pragmatic reasons for Russia’s strategy too. “If you abandon any pretence at subscribing to international humanitarian law and even commonly accepted humanitarian norms, then there is a sound military rationale for double-tap attacks because you target high-profile targets,” says Keir Giles, director of the Conflict Studies Research Centre, a British think-tank. There is a limited supply of first responders such as medics, emergency personnel and fire crews and they are difficult to replace. “If you take them out by the second attack on the same spot, at exactly the time when they’ve congregated to help the victims of the first attack, you’re actually achieving quite a lot.” Karolina Hird, an analyst at the US-based Institute for the Study of War, says double-tap attacks targeting rescue workers could, and likely do, constitute a war crime. Image source, ReutersImage caption, Emergency workers carry an injured woman at the site of a Russian missile strike in Zaporizhzhia”If, indeed, Russian forces are found to be targeting specifically and intentionally these sections of the population – that would constitute a violation of international humanitarian law and the general rules and norms of armed conflict,” Ms Hird told the BBC. A spokesman for the International Committee of the Red Cross told the BBC that all parties involved in a conflict had an obligation to “respect and protect” both the wounded and those who cared for them. If one party chooses to re-attack the same target, international humanitarian law requires them to take “particular care” when first responders are trying to evacuate the wounded, the ICRC said. Russia adopted the same strategy previously in Syria, where its troops fought against anti-government rebels between 2015 and 2017. In that case it targeted rescuers from the White Helmets, a civil defence group. “We have documented hundreds of such cases since Russia intervened in 2015,” the White Helmets chief Raed al-Saleh says. “Frankly, the Russian army has no morals when it comes to military operations. It focuses on breaking the will of civilians.” Russia has not explicitly disavowed double-taps, but it has repeatedly denied it aims for civilian targets.”Our military does not hit social facilities and residential neighbourhoods and does not hit civilians,” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said in January. But those in towns and cities across Ukraine see the opposite is the case. “They’re using double-taps to kill as many of us as possible,” says Kira Oves, the journalist wounded in one such attack in Zaporizhzhia. “But they’ll fail, because Ukrainians are survivors. We shall win.”Related TopicsWar in UkraineZaporizhzhiaUkraineMore on this storyKey power plant near Kyiv destroyed by Russian strikesPublished2 days agoUkrainian MPs pass law to boost troop numbersPublished2 days agoRussian strikes hit Odesa on city’s liberation dayPublished2 days agoTop StoriesLive. 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[ad_1] “If you abandon any pretence at subscribing to international humanitarian law and even commonly accepted humanitarian norms, then there is a sound military rationale for double-tap attacks because you…
![BBC HomepageSkip to contentAccessibility HelpYour accountNotificationsHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeMore menuMore menuSearch BBCHomeNewsSportWeatheriPlayerSoundsBitesizeCBBCCBeebiesFoodClose menuBBC NewsMenuHomeIsrael-Gaza warCost of LivingWar in UkraineClimateUKWorldBusinessPoliticsCultureMoreTechScienceHealthFamily & EducationIn PicturesNewsbeatBBC VerifyDisabilityWorldAfricaAsiaAustraliaEuropeLatin AmericaMiddle EastUS & CanadaChibok girls feel let down 10 years after Nigeria kidnappingPublished5 minutes agoShareclose panelShare pageCopy linkAbout sharingRelated TopicsNigeria schoolgirl kidnappingsImage source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Amina Ali became the first Chibok girl to escape prolonged captivity in 2016By Yemisi AdegokeBBC News, northern NigeriaWe had to meet Lisu in secret as she says the local Nigerian authorities are trying to prevent her from talking to journalists.She was one of the 276 girls abducted from their school in the town of Chibok exactly a decade ago – a kidnapping that shocked the world and sparked a global campaign to #BringBackOurGirls, which included former US First Lady Michelle Obama.More than 180 have either since escaped or been freed, including Lisu, who gave birth to two children while she was a hostage of the militant Islamist group Boko Haram, living in a hideout in the Sambisa forest.After escaping, Lisu – which is not her real name – went through the government rehabilitation programme, before being placed in group accommodation with other escapees. “I do regret coming back,” she says, shuffling in her seat. Not exactly the message the authorities want coming out. The Borno state government has denied limiting the former captives’ freedom of speech.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Lisu is “deeply unhappy” about the way she has been treated in the government accommodationLisu feels the way she is now treated is worse than what she lived through before.”Sometimes I cry when I remember. I ask myself: ‘Why did I even leave Sambisa to come back to Nigeria, only to come and face such degrading treatment, being insulted almost daily?’ I never experienced such heartache while I was in Sambisa.”Lisu says she is barely surviving under state care; basic provisions like food and soap are not enough, her movements are closely watched and restricted by security guards and she has been subjected to verbal abuse from staff at the group home.”They yell at us all the time, I am deeply unhappy,” she says. “I had more freedom at the Boko Haram camp than I do here.”This is a characterisation that the Borno state government said it did not recognise. In a statement to the BBC, it said there were no restrictions on the movements of the young women in its care except when there were issues of their personal safety. The authorities said they were also providing enough food and nutrition for the former captives and their children. Though the experiences of those who fled or were freed are varied, and they are all at different stages of rehabilitation, a theme that promises made to them over the years had been broken emerged from those we spoke to.In 2016, Amina Ali became the first of the Chibok captives to escape since the immediate aftermath of the kidnapping.She too is dissatisfied with her treatment. The last time she saw the sprawling school campus that now stands in front of her, it was on fire – that was the night of 14 April, 2014.”Wow, this school still exists,” she says softly, gazing at the newly renovated, cream-coloured buildings. “After all that happened to us, it’s still here.””We used to sit under that tree,” she continues, pointing at a towering, barren tree in the corner of the compound. She looks around, noting all the changes.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Amina has ambitions to be a journalist and help tell the story of the Chibok girlsThe grass is overgrown, the tiles on the walkways are new. The rust-coloured main gate has been moved and the dormitories do not exist any more. When the grounds were rebuilt, it reopened as a day school in 2021.While the cosmetic changes to the school are significant, outside the gates little has changed in Chibok. Insecurity is still rife. Boko Haram gunmen continue to attack the area, the latest assault late last year.The poorly maintained roads are dotted with checkpoints and there is a heavy military presence in the town. Mobile communication is patchy, a telecom mast lies on its side next to the road, probably felled by militants, a local colleague says.Then there are the emotional scars.Amina spent two years as a hostage in Sambisa. Like many of the captives, she was forced to “marry” a militant and convert to Islam. There was a routine to life in the forest; cooking, cleaning, learning the Quran, but Amina never gave up hope that one day she would escape.”I just thought even if I spend 10 years [as a hostage], one day I will escape,” she says.And one day she did.It took weeks of trekking through thick bush in sweltering temperatures, little food and with her two-month-old baby strapped to her back, but she made it.Parents of Chibok girls heartbroken – againThe secret diaries of the Chibok girlsThe town that lost its girlsBut more than 90 girls are still missing. Her friend Helen Nglada is one of them. Amina and Helen were classmates. They were both singers in the church band that Helen led. After the kidnap, the two grew close in Sambisa forest, spending as much time as they could together. The last conversation Amina had with Helen was about Chibok and how much they wished they could go back there. Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, For Helen’s mother, Saratu, meeting Amina brings back painful memoriesThe agony caused by Helen’s continued absence is etched on the faces of her parents, Saratu and Ibrahim, who are sitting outside their modest home, a short distance from the school.Her mother tightly grips two photographs of Helen and her sister. The girls are wearing matching outfits, headscarves and serious expressions.”I just wish I got my friend back,” Amina says, “so we can share the happiness with her.”Saratu struggles to contain her emotions. “Any time you come to the house and I see you, my mind goes back to my daughter,” she says to Amina.She breaks down into floods of tears and Amina places a hand on her shoulder to comfort her.”I just want our [state] governor to do something and rescue our children,” Ibrahim says quietly. “He should put in more effort to rescue the other children.”Amina’s escape in 2016 was accompanied by huge fanfare and relief.After being debriefed by the military, she met government officials including then President Muhammadu Buhari, who said the course of her life would change for the better.”[The president said] he’s going to take care of us and send us to school and even our children too,” Amina recalls. “Because it’s not our fault to find ourselves in that situation and the children too, they don’t know anything. They’re innocent. So he’s going to take care of them.”Image source, AFPImage caption, When she escaped from Boko Haram in 2016, Amina (L) and her baby met then President Muhammadu BuhariLife today does not look like what was promised.Amina now lives in Yola, about five hours away from Chibok by road, and shares a small room with her daughter. They share an outdoor bathroom with a neighbour and she cooks on firewood outside.Money is tight. She receives 20,000 naira ($15; £12) a month to cover everyday expenses but nothing for her daughter’s education, despite the government’s promises. She pays that bill herself with the little money she makes from farming.”It’s hard for me to look after my daughter,” she says. “What can I do? I have to do it because I don’t have anyone.”Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Amina struggles with the money she has to bring up her daughter who was born in a Boko Haram campAmina is balancing raising her daughter while studying at the American University of Nigeria (AUN), a private and elite institution.AUN is the only option Amina and the other Chibok girls were given to resume their studies, but many of them have struggled to keep up and some have dropped out. “We didn’t choose AUN because we know the school standards are difficult for us, we girls come from poor backgrounds,” she says. “The former minister forced us to come to this school.” The girls said they would have liked more autonomy in choosing where they could study and wonder if some of the government’s money spent covering the AUN’s high fees could have been better spent directly supporting them. Amina has attended AUN since 2017, but is not close to graduating. Only one of the former captives has graduated.Nigeria’s Women’s Affairs Minister Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye says the government has been paying AUN roughly $350,000 a year for the Chibok girls and their education over the last six years. It is an arrangement she says will be reviewed.”I’m not paying nobody that kind of money. Even if they put it on the budget, I will not release the money,” she says. “The girls should be considered first and foremost. School is important, first and foremost. But you don’t go to school on an empty stomach.”Rakiya Gali is another Chibok girl – she escaped from Boko Haram in 2017. She was a student at AUN briefly, but dropped out due to poor health.Rakiya says she does not receive any financial support and like Amina pays for her son’s education with the money she makes from farming, despite promises from the government.”The government has been unfair to us,” she says in an impassioned voice. “They knew that we went into [Sambisa forest] and came back with children. If they cannot help us, then who will help us?”In addition to the financial burden, Rakiya lives in fear, as her town is still being attacked by Boko Haram. She says militants recently burned down her son’s school.”Whenever I hear any sound, I think it is a gunshot,” she says.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, The school still exists – though it no longer takes boardersRakiya desperately wants to move forward with her life and secure the best possible education for her son, but the lack of support makes things feel impossible. So much so, she believes the Chibok girls who remain hostages would stay with Boko Haram if they could see how she and those who escaped are living outside the camp.”When [the girls] return [they] will come join us in this situation,” she says. “I would say it is better to stay [in Sambisa forest] with the child and the father will provide support, rather than going through this trouble.”The conditions she describes are a far cry from those of one of their former captors.Muhammad Alli, a former Boko Haram fighter who was involved in the Chibok kidnapping, is now living in Maiduguri with his family – including eight children. He was part of the militant group for 13 years and rose to the rank of commander, even forcefully “marrying” one of the Chibok girls.”At the time I married them, I did not feel any guilt,” he says. “But when I decided to surrender, I started to realise how awful they must have felt being forced to do these things.”Like thousands of other fighters, Muhammad was granted amnesty and completed the state government rehabilitation programme. He has a farm, but also works with the military to help rescue abducted girls.Image source, BBC/Simpa SamsonImage caption, Muhammad Alli is now helping the authorities tackle other hostage situationsLast year he was part of a group that rescued some of the same people he had helped kidnap. “They were in a terrible state when we found them,” he says. “I cried at the sight of them.”The amnesty programme is not without controversy, with some saying that former militants like Mohammad should serve jail time and be held accountable for their numerous crimes. “All I can say in that regard is to ask for forgiveness,” Mohammed counters. “I am remorseful, I am looking for ways to quench the fire we started, and I do this with the men whom I surrendered with. We are doing our best to weaken the effects of insurgency.”But the insurgency rages on, and kidnapping for ransom has become even more widespread in Nigeria. While reporting this story there were three separate kidnappings in north-eastern Nigeria, one of these attacks was on a school and was the largest of its kind since 2021.Mohammad says that the “success” of the Chibok kidnappings has encouraged these types of attacks.”We realised that the event shook the entire nation and Africa as a whole,” he says. “And the core mission of Boko Haram for [group leader] Abubakar Shekau was to ensure our activities attracted attention. “He also got money off some of these actions, which helped pay for transport and food, and that’s why they continued the abductions.”Serious questions remain around Nigeria’s military and its ability to tackle the insurgency that has spanned more than a decade and left hundreds of thousands of people dead, particularly as insecurity spreads to other parts of the country.Gen Christopher Gwabin Musa, Nigeria’s defence chief, has acknowledged the “enormous” challenges facing the military, calling the current state of insecurity in the country a “rude shock”, but is confident the tide is turning.As for the 91 Chibok girls still being held captive, Gen Musa says the military has not given up hope that they will be rescued.Despite her satisfaction with her current situation, Amina is hopeful too. She hopes to become a journalist one day, to be a voice for victims of kidnapping, to be a leader. She also hopes her daughter will finish her education and have a bright, safe future.Most of all, she hopes her classmates will one day be freed.”The only thing I need the government to do is to release some of my sisters that are still in captivity. I have that hope,” she says. “Because when they are still alive [there’s hope] they will come back one day.” You can watch Yemisi’s full report on the BBC Africa YouTube channelFind out more about the Chibok girls:PODCAST: What happened to the Chibok girls?Why was this freed Chibok girl treated differently? The kidnapped woman who defied Boko HaramThe man who brought back the Chibok girlsRelated TopicsNigeriaBoko HaramNigeria schoolgirl kidnappingsAround the BBCFocus on Africa podcastAfrica Daily podcastTop StoriesLive. 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